In 2015 Burma elected a new civilian government, and the democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, became the de facto head of government. Many hoped that a new era had arrived – an era of democracy, human rights and peace. After just three years, those hopes have been dashed. Instead of democratisation, Burma has witnessed repression, genocide and crimes against humanity; and peace seems further away than ever.
“The peace process is not working”
In November 2018 CSW brought six men and women from northern Burma to Europe, to meet politicians, journalists and Christian leaders in London and Brussels. These religious leaders and human rights defenders from the Kachin, Shan and Ta’ang ethnic groups shared their stories of the crisis in their country, and pressed for urgent action.
‘We see human rights violations by the state and the military, and we think they are crimes against humanity,’ said Julia Marip of the Kachin Women’s Association Thailand. ‘There needs to be accountability for these actions. I joined this trip to make the international community aware that the peace process is not working, especially for some ethnic groups.’
Activist Francis Zau Tu explained further: ‘Rape, sexual violence, torture and arbitrary arrest are just some of the human-rights abuses that have been meted out. The military and government make ethnic people seem wicked, and want to wipe them out.’ Julia, Francis and the others asked the UK to ensure that peace, justice, human rights and accountability are placed at the centre of the UK’s relationship with Burma.
Burma’s identity crisis
Burma (Myanmar) was ruled for over half a century by a succession of military regimes which consistently committed grave violations of human rights. The country has also endured over 60 years of civil war between the military and many of the ethnic nationalities who seek autonomy. Religion and ethnicity are deeply intertwined, and Burma’s ethnic and religious minorities have suffered, and continue to experience, severe violations of their human rights including of their right to freedom of religion or belief.
At the heart of Burma’s conflict is the question of its identity. Does Burma wish to be a multi-ethnic, multireligious society in which diversity is celebrated, or does it wish to be a
Burman, Buddhist nation which at best tolerates non-Burmans and non- Buddhists, or at worst, seeks to repress, restrict and drive them out?
In 2012, just as political reform appeared to be beginning, a campaign against the predominantly Muslim Rohingyas escalated, resulting in horrific violence in Rakhine State. The previous year, the military had broken a 17-year ceasefire with the mainly Christian Kachin armed resistance, unleashing a major new offensive. In 2013 anti-Muslim violence broke out in other parts of the country; then,
in 2016 and 2017, renewed brutality against the Rohingyas claimed hundreds of lives.
The chair of the UN’s Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, Marzuki Darusman, said, ‘The Tatmadaw [military] has systematically targeted civilians, including women and children…and established a climate of impunity for its soldiers…I have never been confronted by crimes as horrendous and on such a scale as these.’ The Fact- Finding Mission published their report in September 2018, concluding that senior generals in the military must be investigated for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
The international community is now well aware of the genocide against the Rohingyas. But while their plight is certainly the most egregious, it is by no means the only illustration of religiously-motivated hatred or violence. Throughout Burma, Muslims who are not Rohingyas are the targets of hate speech and violence, and Christians also face restrictions, discrimination and abuse. Buddhists who try to counter militant Buddhist nationalism face dangers too, while discriminatory legislation severely restricts the rights to religious conversion and inter-religious marriage.
